Third Counter-Argument:
MacIntyre
leaves the door open for Relativistic Historicism while
advocating a particular tradition of ethical thought.
“Hence this kind
of historicism, unlike Hegel's, involves a form of fallibilism; it is a kind of
historicism which excludes all
claims to absolute knowledge.”-(AV., p. 270).
“I’d Rather Have a Bottle in Front of Me, Than to
Have a
Frontal Lobotomy.”-Rhyme
The
bottle is Kantian anti-realism, and Hegelian anti-realist historical teleology;
these are the two necessary ingredients that After Virtue must have to
achieve its goals of defining virtue, and establishing an absolute foundation for
MacIntyre’s normative ethics and realist epistemology. However, what if virtue
is not an object as assumed by a naturalistic object-oriented
ontology while history shows no necessity, but rather is the realm of pure
accidental contingency? Unfortunately, the useful concepts of Kantian
anti-realism, and Hegelian historical-ontological teleology have been rejected
by MacIntyre as not universal (WJWR, p. 11). These occult concepts of the active
subject, ought/is, and historical teleology are rebuffed only to
be smuggled through the back door again bearing new aliases. In After-Virtue
(Chapter 7, Fact, Explanation and Expertise) Kuhnian
anti-realism masks Kantian idealism, and Hegelian historicism is introduced under
the pseudonyms of “tradition,” “context,” “telos,” and “narrative.”
In his book, “Whose Justice? Which Rationality?” the term “tradition”
is used 225 times—it means history. In After Virtue the term “telos,”
is used 32 times: “context,” 63 times; and, “narrative,” 59
times: all concepts which embody a weak non-universalizable historicism. His
version of historicism in After Virtue (“…my historicism,” AV, p. 269) seems
to have not developed endogenously (internally), but exogenously as if it fell
out of the sky.
Let’s look at an example of
this retranslation of concepts. MacIntyre rejects the ought/is
distinction, but he is still able to retain an imperative it in the form of “telos,”
meaning “goal,” or “end.” The end “goal” is now the
imperative ought; the same Moorean ought/is distinction MacIntyre
rejected earlier (AV. p. 57). The concept of teleology also creates a
paradigmatic narrative for the moral agent that gives meaning and
purpose to beliefs, actions, and worldviews. But what telos should we seek? To
answer this question MacIntyre must find ethical necessity in the
history of ethical traditions to validate Aristotelian realism; which is why he
needed Kuhn’s anti-realist paradigmatic model of scientific progress.
On the other hand, when it
comes to Kuhn’s relative paradigms and the history of scientific progress;
MacIntyre, with the help of philosopher of science Imre Laktos, lobotomizes the
Kuhnian concept of scientific progress to only mean an “internalist”
approach to paradigm shifts. MacIntyre reduces Kuhn’s anti-realist paradigm of
science to exactly the kind of science he criticized postmodern empiricist
instrumentalism of becoming: just pragmatic manipulation of means and ends.
MacIntyre denies there are “transcendental properties as truth or apodictic
certainty." And according to critic Dr. R. Stern, MacIntyre believes,
“…the realist is wrong in
thinking that any theory can have validity sub specie aeternitatis, from
the standpoint of timeless truth, the progressive (or regressive) character of
any conceptual change can only be judged by reference to the historical
problematic of which it is part; for the issue as to whether or not it represents an advance on this predecessors requires that we
have an understanding of the historical tradition in which it has a place (After
MacIntyre: critical perspectives on the work of Alasdair MacIntyre, edited
by John Horton and Susan Mendus in “MacIntyre and
historicism” by Robert Stern (1994), p.153)(pdf.)(Abbreviated as ‘Stern’).”
Inconsistently,
at the very beginning of After Virtue, the image presented was of
realist science with an essence, or sub
specie aeternitatis of which we only
have fragments of a whole, and only needing re-construction. MacIntyre
tells a parable describing the destruction of all scientific knowledge in some
catastrophe where laboratories, books, scientific instruments are destroyed and
physicists murdered by an anti-science cult (kind of prophetic), then there is
a change of heart and people what to recover scientific knowledge:
"…enlightened people
seek to revive science, although they have largely forgotten what it was. But
all that they possess are fragments: a knowledge of experiments detached from
any knowledge of the theoretical context which gave them significance; parts of
theories unrelated either to the other bits and pieces of theory which they
possess or to experiment; instruments whose use has been forgotten;
half-chapters from books, single pages from articles, not always fully legible
because torn and charred. Nonetheless all these fragments are reembodied in a
set of practices which go under the revived names of physics, chemistry and
biology (AV.,
p. 1).”
In
the book, Three Rival Versions of Moral
Enquiry (1990), MacIntyre
breaks down ethics into three versions of morality: Encyclopedical (Enlightenment
Instrumental Rationalism), Genealogy (Nietzschean Nihilism), and
Traditional (Thomism). His viewpoint is that natural science and the
science of morality are commensurable: "The
modern contrast between the sphere of morality on the one hand and the sphere
of the human sciences on the other is quite alien to Aristotelianism because,
as we have already seen, the modern fact-value distinction is also alien to it (AV.,p. 82)." Again, he wrote, “The philosophy of
physical science is dependent on the history of physical science. But the case
is no different with morality ...(AV., p. 266)." Is the study of
normative ethics commensurate to methodological empirical science? Socrates’
experimental test asking Meno’s slave questions of geometry suggests ethical
knowledge is not commensurable with science, but with a priori intuition
which MacIntyre absolutely rejects (AV., p. 69).” How is the necessity of
ethical imperatives to be founded on historical contingency? And again,”...one
theory rationally superior to another is no different from our situation in
regard to scientific theories or to moralities-and-moral philosophies.(AV,
p. 270).” However, there is a reversal that takes
place since the publication of After-Virtue: not only is science
relative to paradigm, but morality is also relative to history. Critic Dr. R.
Stern writes, “...like [Larry] Laudan MacIntyre abandons any talk of such
transcendental properties as universal validity or timeless truth for ethical
systems, arguing that there is no Archimedean point in practical reason that
could give ethical thought the necessary absolute foundation (Stern, p.
152).” This narrative sounds like postmodernism to me! It is not that MacIntyre
happily chooses this modernist relativist position, but his own
reasoning forces him into pluralist conclusions—and this shift really
should not be turned into an Anytus political ad hominem attack against
him; rather, it is aporia. And this is my view of MacIntyre’s critique of
postmodernist relativism.
The Historicist Nemesis
"What
is true is precisely what is made"—G. Vico
A
main argument of postmodern criticism is historicist interpretation of past
events undermines traditional beliefs in morality opening the door to
epistemological and moral relativism which then leads to a cultural crisis of
knowledge, meaning, and normative values. The various schools of historicism
are concerned with primarily four issues: 1.) The concept of historical change,
2.) Historicism as a scientific methodology, 3.) Historicism understood
as a worldview 4.) Historicism as a moral crisis. My summaries of
historicism will take note of each school’s relevant position on these issues.
This analysis is based on the scholarly work of Phenomenologist Dr. Maurice Mandelbaum, Professor at Johns
Hopkins University, in fact an important original scholar in the United States
on this very issue of historicism.
The first scholar to know regarding
historicism is botanist Carl Prantl
(1849-1893) who described the work of historian Giambattista
Vico (1663-1744) as “historicism” as he attempted to
combine the humanities into a single science to explain the life and death
cycles of societies and cultures in his book, “New Science (1725).” Also economist, Carl
Menger (1840-1921) was the founder of the Austrian School of
Economics who complained that economic theory was becoming too dependent on the
study of economic history thereby introducing a negative view of historicism as
it was thought to be out of its realm of expertise without a clear
understanding of its use in the science of economics (Encycl. Vol. 4, p.
22). Marx’s first volume of Capital was
not published in German until 1867, and in English until 1887 in this timeline.
Mandelbaum
believes that after World War I the question of historical change became more
concerning as a method of evaluating cultural values. Protestant
theologian Ernst
Troeltsch (1865-1923) was concerned of historicism’s
usefulness for understanding the relationship between culture and historical
change. Troeltsch defined historicism not methodologically, but as an erroneous
presupposition “…to view all
knowledge and experience in the context of historical change (Ibid.,
p. 22).” He thought that natural science and historical science were distinct
fields of study and that historicism would cause widespread epistemological and
ethical skepticism. Troeltsch died before he could explain his religious views:
he thought the crisis was “inevitable,” but there was nothing to fear.
Sociologist
Karl Mannheim (1893-1947) defined
historicism as a “temporalistic view of the world (Ibid.,
p. 23).” Mannheim did not believe that historicism is a crisis, but instead
theorized that the Enlightenment has held over some theological beliefs from
the Middle Ages that presuppose an “atemporal character of judgments and
reason,” (Platonic Realism concerned with static being), and this
worldview (Weltanschauung) is
being replaced by a new concept of “temporalistic relativism.” He
proposed that modern skepticism does not necessarily have to result from this
new view of dynamic temporal change and accepted ethical pluralism positively
since all values are grounded in human existence, which could be reconciled
with other cultural norms through the study of critical sociology.
German
historian Friedrich Meinecke (1862-1954) did not view historicism
as some crisis, and accepted the new dynamic view of history; but unlike
Troeltsch and Mannheim, regarded as more important the concept of human individuality
and how persons fared in society during historical development. Meinecke was
an early Nazi supporter, and held life long anti-Semitic views.
Benedetto Croce (1866-1952) was an idealistic philosopher critical of both
epistemological positivism, and materialist ontology. He defined historicism as the self-development of the human spirit and
“the whole of reality as encompassed within history: Life and reality were
nothing but the ever changing manifestations of the spirit (Encycl.
Vol. 4, p. 23).” Croce argued that materialistic naturalistic science is
inadequate as a methodological paradigm to interpret the unique histories
created by self-conscious human beings. Modern thought has failed to take
seriously Hegel’s philosophy of history. Croce’s anti-naturalism and
anti-positivism brings a “religious sense of mystery” to his concept of
historicism. Hegel’s secular understanding of history is in part taken from the
New Testament Christian notion of the eschatology of end times. Orthodox
Marxism is not a non-Christian heresy.
Friedrich Hayek and
Karl Popper on Historicism
There is some interesting background
information about Friedrich August von Hayek (1899-1992) who is difficult
to summarize since nearly everything about him is fake; his credentials as an
economist are completely fabricated including his sham Nobel Prize in Economics
owned and awarded by a Swedish bank and has nothing to do with Alfred Nobel.
The famous economist and lifelong professor of the at London School of
Economics, Lionel Ribbons, was insanely anti-Keynesian and attempted to mentor
von Hayek into the antithesis of Keynesian economic presented in his famous
work “The General Theory Of Employment Interest And Money (1938 ).” The
problem was no one could understand Hayek’s lectures, nor his writing of “The
Pure Theory of Capital “ that even the Neo-liberal monetary economist
Milton Friedman complained, “I am an enormous admirer of Hayek, but not
for his economics. I think Prices and Production was a very flawed book. I
think his capital theory book is unreadable (Wapshott, p. 183).”
“I’m sure that was wrong,
and yet I have done it. It was just an inner need to do it.”
—von Hayek in "Keynes Hayek:The Clash that Defined Modern Economics,"
by Nicholas, 2011 by Wapshott, p. 215
And then one day in 1949, the self professed
Catholic, von Hayek, walked out of his house abandoning his wife, Hella, and
their two children Christine (17 year old), and Laurence (12) to marry his
cousin Helena; then keeping true to his economic and political theories
promptly signed up for Social Security benefits after Charles Koch sent him in
a letter with a SSI brochure (Charles Koch to Friedrich Hayek: Use Social Security! by
Yasha Levine and Mark Ames). Ribbon was so disgusted with von Hayek
that he resigned from the Neo-liberal think tank formed in 1947 known as the “Mont
Pelerin Society” in which von Hayek decided to impose their Neoliberal
revolution covertly wherever they could. Philosopher G.E. Moore was a much
better moral person than von Hayek. Nevertheless, von Hayek’s junk economics is
taught uncritically in nearly all United States University economic departments
that now require two economics departments Professor Michael Hudson has noted:
one department teaches Austrian economic hokum that does not describe economic
reality, and the other department is called the “business school” of
economics to actually teach graduates how to manage a business that is in some
cases structured never to earn a profit to avoid tax laws. Hayek’s Austrian
Neoliberalism has resulted in a 40-year crime wave emanating all across America
from the Wall Street Corporate Socialists. Von Hayek’s economic version
of “Theranos-babble” has led to a
violent revival of fascist movements all over the globe, and infiltrating every
level of American institutions.
While in Great Britain, before he fled his
family and poor academic reputation at the London School of
Economics, von Hayek worked with philosopher Karl Popper (1920-1994)
to fabricate a boutique custom-made version of historicism that could go along
with the era of Cold War sociological propaganda that is still alive and well
today in American and British academia in addition to internet social media.
Hayek and Popper focused on historicism as a worldview, and
not on the radical differences between the physical sciences and social science
methodologies. They instead attacked four theses of historicism: 1.) They
attacked the concept of the laws of development of social wholes (societies)
2.) They denied these laws of social development could be known 3.) Rejected
the belief predictions based on these laws could be made about cultures and
societies 4.) They added “holism” to their definition
of historicism to include Hegel, Comet, and Marx’s views. Although these three
philosophers had different viewpoints, they shared some common beliefs: 1.) The
social whole is greater than the parts and not reducible to individuals 2.)
These laws of the whole could be known 3.) Predictions could be made on the
knowable laws of the whole. Popper and Hayek wrongly interpret Marx’s concept
of historical materialism as “fate,” or “destiny.”
Neither Marx, nor Engels ever used the term “dialectical materialism” in
their writings. (See, “Open Society and its Enemies,” by Karl
Popper, 1945)(pdf.).
Dr. Mandelbaum argues that historicist theses
3 (prediction), and 4 (holism) are not necessary to the concept
of historicism: “…there seems to be no necessity for identifying
historicism with holistic thought and with a belief in the possibility of
prediction, as Popper and Hayek, tend to do…Popper, in his
characterization…tends to separate his own use of…’historicism’ from other,
more frequent uses (Encycl. Vol. 4, p. 24).” Mandelbaum formulates his
own definition of historicism as a methodological principle of
explanation and evaluation, and not as a worldview (Weltanschauung): “…the
belief that an adequate understanding of the nature of anything and an adequate
assessment of its values are to be gained by considering it in terms of the place
it occupied and the role it played with in a process of development (Ibid.,
p. 24).” Mandelbaum’s methodological historicism is analogous to Descartes’ methodological doubt that attempts to establish an epistemology based on absolute certainty; Descartes never doubted the world existed, or that knowledge existed—his methodological doubt is not a world view, nor a Life philosophy. Likewise, Mandelbaum’s historicism is methodological, and not a Weltanschauung, but rather a tool for analysis.
No Straw men, Please
One easy way to build a straw man argument is
to simply interpret nearly any point of view as reductionist as possible--such
as emotivism, logical positivism, materialism, and historicism—and make that
the object of attack. All of these historicist theses have an element of truth,
but they can easily be falsified by presenting a reductionist version of these
insights. Mannheim argues that everything humans do is related, and
influenced by our material existence, but it does not follow that material
existence determines all that humans do. This is how we learn
through deliberately lazy universities the old-saw of the materialist interpretation
of Marxism because a reductionist stance is easier to falsify while no other
explanations, or evaluations are needed. A second method for building a straw
man is to take a viewpoint out of context so as to render it
incomprehensible, or inconsistent; Moore’s emotivism is one example, and
Kierkegaard’s definition of truth will be another example later in my fourth After
Virtue counter-argument.
Deconstructing Kantian
Idealism, and Hegelian Historicism
“Hegel sees the history of philosophy as an enormous Socratic dialogue,
with views emerging and engaging in mutual elenchus….”
—L. Braver, p. 64.
Hegel was in a sense the earliest Neo-Kantian:
he disagreed with Kant on some issues because he thought Kant did not go far
enough with his critical analysis of knowledge. I want to return to using
Braver’s cleaver and very useful scheme for comparing Kant to Hegel’s critique
of reason with a limited summary of the issues they have in contention. First,
Hegel did not like the epistemic distance between phenomenal knowledge and
noumenal reality; that is, between appearances and the thing-in-itself of which
we can say nothing determinate about since it is out of range of possible human
experience. Kantian transcendentalism is an ahistorical philosophy of epistemic
limitation that Hegel could not accept seeing it instead as Kant’s arbitrary
limitation of knowledge. A second point of contention is why Kant selected the
table of categories as the “necessary conditions for the possibility of
experience,” and not some other group of categories? Thirdly, Hegel
thought bivalence hindered holistic understanding by disintegrating an
otherwise necessary integrated pattern of the mind, or consciousness in human
history: “…truth is not a minted coin (Spirit, para. 39).”
Both Kant and Hegel were committed to what
Braver termed the Empirical Directive (ED) which he explains as “the strategy
of studying transcendental subjectivity—that aspect of ourselves that is
responsible for thinking and knowing—vicariously, through its activities in
experience (Ibid., p. 60).” By closely observing Geist
(meaning both mind or spirit) as it appears in time, Hegel believed the gap
could be closed between thought and reality. The ahistorical Kant only sees one
unified unchanging transcendental self of the logically a
priori “I think…” acting on experience, but Hegel instead
discovers a multiplicity of historical selves as “experience-organizers”
not fully aware of the meaning of these plurality of worldviews causing a
radical shift in the understanding of static selfhood and historical change.
"This historical proliferation of conceptual schemes seems to dissolve
reality into relativism. Hegel allows multiple schemes without giving up
knowledge altogether (Ibid., p. 62)."
In other words, Hegel does his own
continuation of Kant’s unfinished transcendental deduction (i.e.,
to justify the table of 12 categories are the a priori conditions
necessary for experience), but instead discovers the categories of
historical Life (see Jean Hyppolite’s “Genesis and Structure of
Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit,”(pdf.) trans. by Samuel Cherniak and John
Heckman, 1974, Northwestern Univ. Press, Evanston, p. 170) and describes their
empirical manifestations in his work, “The Phenomenology of Spirit,”(pdf.). In this famous
book, Hegel writes phenomenological descriptions of these
historical forms of life, and demonstrates by reductio ad absurdum arguments
how they ultimately end in seemingly irresolvable contradictions, and
incoherence. While describing the phenomena of mind in this long “journey of
despair” as experienced through multiple cultural-historical eras, Hegel
finds patterns of universal necessity within the historical experiences of
life, and then begins to speak of them as an absolute idealist of
a single reality, and not realities. The phenomenological
“we” referred to in the Phenomenology of Spirit are those
readers that see this historical pattern: “The Spirit shows itself as so
impoverished that, like a wanderer in the desert craving for a mere mouthful of
water, it seems to crave for its refreshment only the bare feeling of the
divine in general. By the little which now satisfies Spirit, we can measure the
extent of its loss (Ibid., para. 8 ).”
“The introduction of
movement into logic, is a sheer confusion of logical science…and to make
movement explain logic, when as a matter of fact logic cannot explain movement.”-Kierkegaard (Postscript, p. 99-100).”
If MacIntyre borrows the same historicist
solutions as Hegel, he will inherent the same historicist problems.
MacIntyre is searching in a very Hegelian manner for the same kind of necessity
(rationality) in history, or historical traditions to justify one
normative ethical tradition over another writing “I have sketched in
Chapters 14 and 15 the rational case that can be made for a tradition in which
the Aristotelian moral and political texts are canonical (AV, p. 257).” MacIntyre’s
answer to these questions can be found in an examination of historical
traditions, "...a great part of modern morality is intelligible only as
a set of fragmented survivals from that tradition (AV, p.
257)." Another paragraph states, “...it is the central
thesis of After Virtue that the Aristotelian moral tradition
is the best example we possess of a tradition whose adherents are rationally
entitled to a high measure of confidence in its epistemological and moral
resources (AV., p. 277).” In another book he writes, “We, whoever
we are, can only begin enquiry from the vantage point afforded by our
relationship to some specific social and intellectual past through which we
have affiliated ourselves to some particular tradition of enquiry, extending
the history of that enquiry into the present…(WJWR p. 401).”
How can MacIntyre historically derive the imperative “oughts” of
ethics from the indicative ‘is’ of contingent histories if they to lack
any rationality with the rejection of any progress in the history of
philosophy, “And I was to find that, by rejecting the conception of progress
in philosophy that I had hitherto taken for granted, I had already taken a
first step towards viewing the issues in which I was entangled in a new light (The
Tasks of Philosophy: Selected Essays, Vol. 1, Alasdair MacIntyre, University of
Notre Dame (p.viii)(pdf.).” MacIntyre rejects the Enlightenment as a
failure (AV, p. 276).
However, MacIntyre is walking into Hegelian
historicism backwards; but yet, his historist methodology is still a sound
strategy in the search for virtue. MacIntyre deserves no ad hominem for
his traditionalist historicism, but he is completely in opposition to the
anti-historist postmodern critics of today. Also, I would describe the
political stance of After Virtue generally as what Karl
Mannheim would call, “Historical Conservatism.” (“Ideology and
Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge,” Karl Mannheim,
(1929/1936) Harcourt, Brace & Co. 1954, p. 120)(pdf.).
…next:
Fourth Counter-Argument:
Anti-Realism
and Relativistic Historicism compound MacIntyre’s Ethical Skepticism